Par var eigi kaupfriðr i milli Sveins ok Jarizleifs: A Russian-Norwegian Trade Treaty Concluded in 1024–1028?

Elena A. Melnikova

The legal regulation of trade connections between Ancient Russia and Scandinavian countries is usually supposed to start in the late twelfth century[1237] as the earliest extant trade treaty is dated to 1191–1192[1238]. The treaty was concluded by Novgorod authorities with Gotland (OR Gotskij bereg, the Gothic coast) and German towns. It provided for freedom of trade and safety of merchants, defi ned trade procedures, duties, etc., and promoted diplomatic relations.

In the preamble to the treaty, however, an earlier agreement is mentioned. Novgorod prince «Jaroslav Volodimerich having consulted posadnik Miroshka and tysjatskij Jakov confi rms the old treaty [OR mir, peace, peace treaty]…»[1239]. This phrase gave rise to a supposition that the treaty of 1191–1192 was not the first one and that it was preceded by at least one, or more treaties. E. Bonnell suggested that the «old treaty» was concluded not later than in 1160[1240]. W. Rennkamp dated it to 1160–1180[1241] assuming that it appeared as a result of the activities of Heinrich the Lion of Bavaria and Saxony who, according to Helmold’s «Chronica», sent two ambassadors to Denmark, Sweden, Norway, and Russia[1242]. W. Rennkamp regarded it to be a bilateral treaty which regulated trade connections between Russia and Germany. A diff erent dating and interpretation of the «old treaty» was suggested by E. A. Rybina. She thought that it appeared during the domination of Gotland on the Baltic Sea, i. e. in the fi rst half or at the beginning of the twelfth century, and that it regulated the trade between Visby and Novgorod[1243].

In her recent study A. L. Choro?kevi? accepted W. Rennkamp’s dating of the agreement mentioned in the text of the 1191–1192 treaty, but she thought that there could have been two or even more earlier agreements of Novgorod with diff erent partners. She isolated three chronological strata corresponding to earlier treaties in the 1191–1192 text, the oldest one dating to the early eleventh century, the «old treaty» concluded in the 1160s, and the extant text compiled in 1191–1192. The oldest part of the treaty, according to A. L. Choro?kevi?, comprised clauses concerning payments for diff erent off ences of free men, their wives, and daughters as well as the procedure of extracting debts on merchants. These regulations resemble, in A. L. Choro?kevi?’s opinion, those codifi ed in the short version of the «Russian Law» compiled in 1015–1016 by Jaroslav the Wise to improve the relations between his Varangians and the Novgorodians[1244].

This hypothetical early eleventh-century treaty of Novgorod left no traces in Old Russian written sources. However, there seems to exist an allusion to a possible trade agreement of Ancient Rus’ and Norway in the times of Olaf Haraldsson in one of the Old Norse-Icelandic kings’ sagas. This allusion is incorporated in a story about the voyage of two Norwegians, Bj?rn and Karl, to Rus’. The story forms a part of a narration about the stay of Magnus the Good, the son of Olaf Haraldsson, in Rus before his return to Norway.

Magnus’s stay in Rus’ is described at length only in «Magn?ss saga g??a ok Haralds har?r??a» which is included in «Morkinskinna» and «Flateyarb?k» and its fi rst part as a separate «Saga Magn?sar konungs ens g??a» exists in «Hulda». The compilation found in «Morkinskinna», GkS 1009 fol. (ca. 1275), is thought to be originally produced at the beginning of the thirteenth century and revised in 1220–1230. The compiler used «?grip af noregs konunga s?gum» (ca. 1190) and skaldic verses, but his sources for the major part of the text, including «Magn?ss saga g??a ok Haralds hardr??a» are obscure[1245]. According to Finnur J?nsson, the compiler of «Morkinskinna» based on separate sagas about Magnus, Harald and other kings which were composed between 1150 (or 1160) and 1180[1246]. At the moment, the existence of only one separate early saga, that of Harald the Hard-Ruler, seems probable. G. Inderb? found no proofs for the existence of early separate sagas about Norwegian kings after Olaf Haraldsson. He supposed that «Morkinskinna» was an original composition and it was the fi rst attempt to present the history of Norwegian kings after Olaf the Saint[1247]. Though with some reservations, Th.M. Andersson shared this opinion and included «Morkinskinna» into a group of original kings’ sagas created between 1190 and 1220 and defined it as «a firsthand narrative drawn directly from skaldic and oral prose tradition»[1248].

The same narration about Magnus’s stay in Rus’ is also present in «Flateyjarb?k», GkS 1005 fol. (1387–1394), in «Magn?ss saga g??a ok Haralds hardr??a» written on additional leaves of the second half of the fi fteenth century and in «Saga Magn?sar konungs ens g??a» in «Hulda», AM 66 fol., compiled in the mid-fourteenth century on the basis of «Morkinskinna» and «Heimskringla».

Another and a much shorter version of Magnus’s stay in Rus’ is found in Snorri’s «Heimskringla». It is included in «?l?fs saga helga» as «Magn?ss saga g??a» starts with Magnus’s return to Norway. Snorri’s main sources for this part were «Morkinskinna», «?l?fs saga helga» (Styrmir’s variant and «the Oldest saga») and especially «Bergs?glisv?sur» of Sigvat Thordarson.

Thus there exist two versions of the narration about Magnus’s stay in Rus, an extended one in «Morkinskinna» repeated in «Flateyjarb?k» and «Hulda» and an abridged one in Snorri’s «Heimskiingla». The extended narration consists of four major episodes. The fi rst one tells how Magnus found himself at the court of Jaroslav the Wise, the great Russian prince. The second describes Magnus’s stay with Jaroslav. The third deals with the voyage of Bj?rn and Karl and their later activities to prepare the return of Magnus to Norway. The fourth relates about a Norwegian embassy under Kalf Arnason and Einar Thambarskelfi r to Rus’ to bring Magnus back to Norway. In his version Snorri made use of only two subjects. He mentioned in passing that on his escape to Rus’, Olaf took Magnus with him (ch. CLXXXI) and told about the embassy of Kalf Arnason and Einar Thambarskelfi r (ch. CCLI). Neither Magnus’s deeds at Jaroslav’s court nor the voyage of Bj?rn and Karl are mentioned by Snorri.

Before analyzing the retelling about this voyage, it seems important to say a few words about the nature of the preceding episodes. «Magn?ss saga g??a ok Haralds har?r??a» begins with the fi rst episode telling about the events that caused Magnus’s arrival to Rus’. According to the saga, Jaroslav built a magnifi cent hall which Ingigerd, his wife, a Swedish princess, thought quite remarkable, but still inferior to the hall of Olaf Haraldsson. The king got angry and slapped Ingigerd in the face. As a compensation for the insult, Ingigerd demanded to invite Magnus, the son of Olaf Haraldsson, as a f?stri. Jaroslav forwarded an embassy to Olaf who accepted the invitation and sent Magnus to Rus’.

The episode seems to derive from the Old Norse tradition about the marriage of Ingigerd and Jaroslav[1249]. Ingigerd, the daughter of the Swedish king Olaf Sk?tkonung, was promised as a wife to Olaf Haraldsson, but the marriage was broken and she became the wife of Jaroslav the Wise. Later Olaf married her sister Astrid. The saga tradition about Ingigerd is dominated by two conceptions, her lasting love to Olaf Haraldsson and her mental superiority over Jaroslav. Sagas stress Ingigerd’s attachment to Olaf on many occasions and motivate many of her actions by «their secret love» («?v? at hv?rt ?eirra unni ??ru me? leyndri ?st»)[1250]. Most common is Ingigerd’s comparison of Jaroslav and Olaf in favour of the latter. In the discussed episode Ingigerd’s estimation of his hall is explained by Jaroslav in full agreement with this conception: «oc synir ?v enn ast ?ina vi? Olaf konvng» («and show you again your love for king Olaf»)[1251].

Another feature determining Ingigerd’s image in sagas, is her domineering personality. Ingigerd is described as a resolute, brave and wise woman, whereas the stereotype image of Jaroslav presents him as a weak and indecisive ruler, stingy and vindictive, always ready to employ Scandinavians and to shift off the burden of responsibility to his Scandinavian counselors or commanders-in-chief. The saga image of Jaroslav, profoundly diff erent from that in Old Russian sources, is subordinated to the tendency to glorify a Scandinavian konung in Rus[1252]. His relations with Ingigerd are depicted in sagas as dominated by her. In the narration under discussion, Ingigerd suggests to invite Olaf’s son not only to compensate the insult but to humiliate Jaroslav too. She stresses the fact that the one who upbrings a child is of lower status than the child’s father.

The whole episode thus fi ts the Old Norse tradition. It is in full agreement with the saga stereotype images of Ingigerd and Jaroslav and might well derive from the tradition dealing with the marriage and the married life of Ingigerd. The reliance on stereotypes makes the historical authenticity of this narration questionable. It looks more like a variation of a traditional theme than an account of real events.

The «Morkinskinna» romantic version of Magnus’s coming to Rus’ diff ers cardinally from the «Heimskringla» version. On leaving Norway (in 1028), Olaf was followed by a number of retainers, his wife Astrid and his son Magnus. He left Astrid with her relatives in Sweden and went to the east taking Magnus with him. While returning to Norway he preferred his son to stay with Jaroslav. The situation, as presented in «Heimskringla», lacks the romantic fl avour and is devoid of stereotype motifs. It is the version accepted in modern historiography.

The second episode of «Magn?ss saga g??a ok Haralds hardr??a», the stay of Magnus in Rus’, is also constructed as a combination of several traditional motifs. He is said to occupy a honorary position at Jaroslav’s court, to succeed in sports and war games, and to kill his off ender after a quarrel at a banquet. These characteristics belong to the stereotype description of a konung in Rus and can hardly be applied to Magnus who, according to Arhor Jarlaskald returned to Norway at the age of eleven. A similar story about the murder of an off ender is also told about Olaf Tryggvason who spent his young years in Rus’[1253].

The third episode, containing the information about a possible trade treaty, and the fourth episode, diff er from the preceding two in their lack of situational stereotypes. They are devoted to the events directly connected with the return of Magnus to Norway. According to «Magn?ss saga g??a ok Haralds hardr??a» as well as other sagas including «Heimskringla» Magnus’s inthronization in 1036 was prepared by a common resentment of Danish rule in Norway. Snorri elaborated the theme of Danish suppression in Norway and provided a long list of laws introduced by Svein which aroused special anger of the Norwegians. He also stressed personal dissatisfaction of Einar Thambarskelfi r and Kalf Arnason who were later deceived by Knut.

«Morkinskinna» premises the retelling about the embassy of Kalf and Einar with a narration about a voyage of two brothers Karl and Bj?rn. In spite of the absence of peace (?fri?r) between Svein and Jaroslav, they went to trade to Rus’, came across the hostility of the local population and were compelled to meet Jaroslav who, on Magnus’s insistence, invited them to stay at his court for a winter. In spring, Jaroslav suggested their return to Norway to persuade prominent Norwegians to support Magnus in his claim for the throne. Jaroslav is also said to have supplied money to suborn those hesitating. The brothers came back to Norway and met Einar Thambarskelfi r who promised to go to the east. In this way the compiler of «Morkinskinna» connected both missions and made Karl and Bj?rn the initiators of Einar’s embassy. Then the brothers went to Nidaros where Karl was captured by Svein’s men. Bj?rn escaped and made a second voyage to Rus’ to report their progress to Jaroslav and Magnus.

The narration about Jaroslav’s participation in the restoration of Norwegian supremacy attracted attention of specialists in Old Russian history who viewed it as a testimony of Jaroslav’s active policy in the Baltic (Grekov et al.). However, E. A. Rydzevskaja, a prominent Russian specialist in Old Norse sources for Russian history, severely rejected the very possibility of using this episode in historical studies. She wrote, «… saga researchers have established long ago that the interference of Jaroslav was an invention of the compiler of “Morkinskinna” The fact that this role is attributed to a Russian prince, is certainly not devoid of interest and importance, but all the same, it is not a historical fact»[1254]. Her verdict put an end to using this episode for historical purposes. Nevertheless, Rydzevskaja’s estimation of this episode was not based on a special study, neither was it discussed against a background of politics in the Baltic Sea area and the activities of Jaroslav at that time.

To get accepted or rejected as a historical source, the episode needs a special and thorough investigation which is far beyond the scope of this article. Still, it is worth noting that even the episodes which can be believed the compiler’s own compositions on even more serious grounds, like that retelling about the quarrel of Ingigerd and Jaroslav, turn out to derive from a current tradition. Recent studies of Jaroslav’s policy in the Baltic in the 1010s and 1020s showed his acute interest in the situation there and his eff orts to secure the interests of Rus’. Suffi ce it to mention a few facts. In 1018 or 1019 Jaroslav married his son Ilia to Estrid, the sister of Knut the Great, and in 1019 he himself married Ingigerd, the daughter of the Swedish konung Olaf. The matrimonial connections fastened political and military alliance between Rus’, Denmark and Sweden directed against Poland[1255]. In the early 1020s the situation in Scandinavia changed, and a new Swedish konung Anund-Jacob (since 1022) united with Olaf Haraldsson which led to military confrontation between Denmark and a Swedish-Norwegian coalition. In this new political context Rus’ supported the latter as in 1028 Olaf Haraldsson, defeated by Knut, could fi nd refuge in Rus’. The death of Olaf in 1030 did not seem to change the relations between Rus’ and Scandinavian countries. Magnus’s stay with Jaroslav until 1035 and the mentions of hostility between Jaroslav and Svein Alfi fason in many sagas speak for the pro-Norwegian orientation of Jaroslav. The banishment of Svein and the restoration of Olaf’s son agree well with the policy of Jaroslav. If this is the case, the narration about Jaroslav sending men to campaign for Magnus might have been derived from a genuine tradition. Like the previous episodes, this one might also be not an exact account of real events but rather an elaboration of the tradition which grew on the basis of and refl ected a real situation. Consequently the narration, probably invented, presented if not the truth of facts, then the truth of the situation.

However, be the trustworthiness of the retelling about Jaroslav’s participation in Magnus’s return to Norway as it may, the narration about the brothers’ voyage to Rus’ constitutes a special story in itself. A trade voyage to Rus’ was a topic widely spread in kings’ and family sagas as trade connections of Scandinavian countries and Rus’, fi rst and foremost Novgorod, were regular and numerous. Descriptions of these voyages are usually stereotyped. They stress the richness of the Novgorodian market, the profi tability of the trade for Scandinavians, and name the most desirable merchandise, Russian furs, Byzantine cloths, Arabic precious utensils. The narration about the voyage of Karl and Bj?rn lacks all these stereotypes and provides a picture quite diff erent from the usual one.

Nv er vfri?r milli Sveins Alfi fosonar oc Jarizleifs konvngs. ?vi at Jarizleifr konvngr vir?i sem var at Noregsmenn hof ?o nizc a enom helga Olafi konvngi. oc var ?ar noccora stvnd eigi cavpfri?r i milli. Ma?r er nefndr Karl en annarr Biorn. ?eir voro br??r.ii. litils hattar at bvr?om oc ?o framqvem?armenn. verit salltmenn enn fyrra lvt efi sinnar oc afl at sva peninga. en nv var sva or?it at ?eir vorv rikir kavpmenn… ?a tok Karl til or?a oc melti vi? haseta sina… ec etla at fara i Austrveg cavpfer?. en nv fi rir sakir vmmela Sveins konvngs oc Jarizleifs konvngs oc ?ess vfri?ar er i milli ?eira er. ?a ma ?at kalla eigi varlict…

Oc ?etta taca ?eir ra?s. fara nv me? honom vnz ?eir koma i Austrriki oc leggia ?ar at vi? eitt mikit cavptvn, oc vildo ?eir kavpa ser nav?synia lvti. En ?egar er landzmenn visso at ?eir voro Nor?menn, ?a fengo ?eir ?eim at si?r cavp at ?egar helt vi? bardaga oc vildo lanzmenn veita юeim atgongo. Oc er Karl sa at i oeni for ?a melti hann til lanzmanna. ?at mon metit til hvatvisi oc noccot sva diorfvngar at taca slict fyrir hendr konvngi y?rom at mei?a vtlenda menn e?a rena. ?ott her comi me? cavpeyri sinn oc gere y?r engan ofri?. oc vitit aldri hvart konvngr geri y?r ?occ fyri e?a eigi. nv er y?r vitrligra at bi?a konvngs atqve?a vm slict. Vi? ?etta sefaz lanzmenn oc ver?r eigi at ?eim gengit me? ollo. ?o ser Karl at ?at endiz eigi sva bvit. hann gerir ?a fer? sina a konvngs fvnd.

Er eigi getit vm fer? hans fyrr en hann c?mr fyrir Jarizleif konvng oc qvaddi hann. Konvngr spyrr hverr hann er. Ec em norr?nn ma?r einn segir hann litils ver?r oc kominn hingat me? go?om peningom oc felagar minir [me? g??um fri?i. – Hulda]. Konvngr melti. Hv? vart ?v sva diarfr at s?kja hingat. hyggr ?v noccot ?ina gefo meiri enn annarra manna. oc hyggr ?v at ?v munir her draga fram cavpeyri ?inn en a?rir fa eigi haldit lifi nu. oc hafa ?eir Noregsmenn aldri sva illt af mer at eigi se ?eir verra ver?ir. [Karl melti. Eigi mono allir iafnir i ?vi. ec em saltkarl einn litils ver?r. ?o at nv hafa ec peninga. hefi ec avalt verit til noccors hentogleika en aldri var ec i moti Olafi konungi i huga minom. ?at mon ec etla segir konvngr. at ?v monir reynaz sem allir a?rir Noregsmenn. Konvngr ba? taca hann ok setia ?egar i fi otra. oc sva var gert. Oc si?an segir konvngr Magnvsi fostra sinom oc spyrr hann ra?s vm hverso scipa scal vi? Nor?mennina. Magnvs svarar. Litt hafi ?er fostri minn haft mic vi? ra?in her til. en seint ventir mik at ra?iz at minn ver?i Noregr ef sva scal at fara at drepa ?a alla er ?a?an ero etta?ir. en vel mvndot ?er vilia fostri minn. ?vi at ?eir mego at retto allir callaz minir ?egnar. – Hulda]. Oc o?rovis get ec venna mvno at at orca en hataz vi? alla ?a menn er ba?an ero. Konvngrenn let ?etta vel melt. oc qva? hans ra?om scyldo fram fara. Konvngr calla?i Carll til sin vm morgoninn. oc si?an melti konvngr til hans. Sva litz mer a ?ic at ?v ser giptvvenligr ma?r. oc ?at vill Magnvs konvngs son at ?u hafi r gri?. oc ero ?er nv.ii. costir gervir af minni hendi. annarr at ?v farir til scips y ?ars. oc f? ec y?r oc vist. farit me? cavpeyri y?arnn sem y?r syniz. ella far ?v til min oc ver me? mer i vetr[1256].

(Now there is no peace between Svein Alfi fason and konung Jarizleif because konung Jarizleif thinks that Norwegians have betrayed saint konung Olaf, and for some time there was no trade peace between them. A man is called Karl and another man is called Bjцrn. They were two brothers, of humble birth but men of prowess. They were salt-makers earlier in their lives and they thus acquired money, and now it happened so that they became rich merchants…

Then Karl spoke and said to his mates, «… I am going to make a trade voyage to the Eastern Route but nowadays this trip cannot be called safe because there is a disagreement between konung Svein and konung Jarizleif and there is no peace between them…».

And they take their decision and go now with him until they come to the Eastern Country [i. e. Rus’] and stopped at a large trade town and want to buy some necessities for themselves. But as soon as the men of the land learned that they were Norwegians, they not only refused to sell anything to them but it came close to a battle, and the men of the land wanted to attack them. And when Karl saw that it was getting dangerous he said to the men of the land, «It can be regarded as reckless and bold [to take a decision] instead of your konung to maim or rob foreigners while they came here with their wares and make you no hostilities. And one can never know if the konung would approve of you or not. Now it is wiser of you to wait for konung’s decision on this matter». The men of the land got soothed with this and restrained from attacking them. Nevertheless, Karl sees that it will not end like that, and he starts his trip to the konung Nothing is said about his trip until he came to Jarizleif konung and greeted him. The konung asked him who he was. «I am a Norwegian, he says, of humble birth and I came here with good money and my companions with peace». The konung said, «How is it that you got so bold to come here? Do you think that your luck is larger than that of other men or do you think that you can profi t from your wares while others could not preserve their lives? And those Norwegians never get as much evil from me, as they are worth». Karl said, «Not all men are equal in this. I am a salt-maker of humble birth, though now I have money, and I have always been ready for any opportunity and I have never been against Olaf konung in my thoughts». «I suppose, the konung says, that you’ll turn out to be like all other Norwegians». The konung ordered to take him and put him into irons, and it was done. And later the konung speaks to Magnus, his fosterson, and asks for his advice on what is to be done with those Norwegians. Magnus answers, «Until now you have asked little for my advice, my foster-father, but it seems to me that Norway won’t become mine soon if it comes to killing all those who originate from there. But you will be well-disposed, my foster-father, because they all have right to be called my thegns. And I think that it is better for me to behave diff erently than to share hatred with all those who are from there». The konung thought it well spoken and said that it would be done according to his advice. The konung called for Karl in the morning and then said to him, «It seems to me that you are a man promising good luck, and Magnus, the konung’s son, wants that you should be given peace. And there are two possibilities that I can grant you. The fi rst of them is that you go to your ship and I shall give you wine and food and you will go with your merchandise as you wish. Or you go to me and stay a winter with me…»).

The narration contains numerous indications to the political relations of Rus’ and Norway and to the trade connections of the two countries in the form of both author’s statements and depiction of events caused by the state of aff airs. The author’s summary of the political situation, i.e. his declaration about the absence of peace between Jaroslav and Svein, stands apart from the enormous bulk of the «Russian evidences» of the sagas. The characteristic of political situation in Rus’ was irrelevant for the saga authors as travels to Rus’ and Eastern Baltic were always presented as private enterprises organized and carried out on the personal basis with no interference of the authorities. The only other survey of the political situation in Rus’ can be found in «Eymundar ??ttr». Eymund’s decision to go to Rus’ and to serve with Jaroslav’s army is motivated by a feud between the sons of great prince Vladimir, and the description of the causes of the feud and the aims of each of Vladimir’s sons provides the outline of the political turbulence in Rus’ after the death of Vladimir the Saint[1257]. This summary, correct in its essence but wrong in many details, was highly appropriate in a saga telling about a viking who participated in all these events profi ting by opposing interests of the Russian rulers. However, even this survey has nothing to do with the international relations of Rus’. Eymund’s voyage was his personal adventure and of no concern of Norwegian authorities.

On the contrary, the survey in «Magn?ss saga g??a ok Haralds hardr??a» is a characteristic of political relations between Rus’ and Norway. It is a brief declaration of the absence of peace (?fri?r) between Jaroslav and Svein after the death of Olaf Haraldsson. The state of ?fri?r meant a war or hostility between the partners and it seems, in spite of the lack of corroborating evidence in Old Russian and Old Norse sources, that the enmity did exist at that time. Rus’ became an asylum for Svein’s enemies who had earlier supported Olaf Haraldsson. Jaroslav was bringing up Olaf’s underage son Magnus who later expelled Svein and became the king of Norway. Another prominent relative of Olaf, Harald the Hard-Ruler, who participated in the battle at Stiklastadir found refuge in Rus’ and later married Jaroslav’s daughter. In this context, the characteristic of the relations between Jaroslav and Svein in the saga does not seem wrong. The hostility to Danish Norway in the early 1030s was a continuation of Jaroslav’s policy in the Baltic in the second half of the 1020s. The idea of the state of ?fri?r is further elaborated in the saga by literary means. Jaroslav’s negative attitude to Norwegians is expressed in a number of speeches of Jaroslav and Magnus and in the retelling about Jaroslav’s treatment of Bj?rn and Karl on their arrival to his court. According to the saga, Jaroslav’s hostility to the Danish ruler of Norway was accompanied by his hatred to all Norwegians. He is said to accuse them of betraying their lord, Olaf Haraldsson, to regard them worth the most cruel punishment, and to execute all the Norwegians coming to Rus’. Though the speeches, as well as probably the episode of the arrest of Karl and Bj?rn are nothing more than illustrations and literary embodiment of ?fri?r their introduction is signifi cant as an indication of the author’s position.

Another manifestation of the ?fri?r was the break of trade. The saga author makes a special note of the absence of trade peace (kaupfri?r) for some time (noccora stvnd). This is the only occasion to my knowledge that a rupture in trade between Rus’ and a Scandinavian country is mentioned in a saga. Trade voyages like all other voyages to Rus’ were represented as private enterprises even if a konung participated in the partnership (f?lag) with his money. The success or the failure of a merchant therefore was depicted as depending utterly on his own abilities. In «Magn?ss saga g??a ok Haralds hardr??a» on the contrary, the offi cial status of the break in trade is stressed. It is kaupfri?r between Jaroslav and Svein, the rulers of the states, i.e. between the two states, that is suspended. Like the ?fri?r, the absence of kaupfri?r is regarded as a governmental action. Thus, both the situation itself and its presentation in the saga is quite diff erent from the traditional stereotypes. In the context of the actual deterioration of political relations between Rus’ and Norway, the prohibition of trade activities could have really taken place.

Temporal suspension of trade with a specifi c partner by Novgorod authorities seems rather a common practice. The First Novgorod chronicle tells s. a. 1188 about a confl ict between Novgorodian and German merchants on Gotland[1258] which resulted in the break of trade peace. Russian merchants were not allowed to go overseas while Scandinavian merchants left Novgorod «without peace» and with no offi cials to accompany them, i.e. with no one to secure their safety en route[1259].

The mention of the absence of kaupfri?r on a state level for a period of time presupposes its existence earlier. It might mean that some time before the 1030s a trade treaty had been concluded by Russian and Norwegian rulers which established offi cial kaupfri?r between the two countries.

There are no grounds to suppose that this treaty appeared before Jaroslav’s times. It could have been rather a result of Jaroslav’s active policy in the Baltic, and the possible span of time for its conclusion is rather short. A treaty with Olaf Haraldsson’s Norway was impossible while Jaroslav maintained close and friendly relations with Knut. It was the time when Olaf’s enemies were well received in Rus’, like Eymund Hringsson employed by Jaroslav in 1018 (1019). Only after Jaroslav joined the Swedish and Norwegian alliance against Denmark which emerged after Anund-Jacob’s enthronization in 1022, the treaty could have been concluded. The defeat of Olaf Haraldsson in 1028 and his escape to Sweden and Rus’ is the upper limit for the conclusion of the treaty.

The exact time Jaroslav joined the alliance is unknown but its most probable date can be suggested. The middle of the 1020s was crucial for Jaroslav’s position in Rus. In 1023 Jaroslav’s brother Mstislav, the prince of Tmutarakan, took the opportunity of Jaroslav being in Novgorod and attacked Kiev in an attempt to become Great prince. Though Mstislav failed, Jaroslav collected an army in Novgorod and in 1024 met Mstislav at Listven not far from Chernigov. Jaroslav got defeated and had to escape back to Novgorod. For two years Jaroslav resided in Novgorod before he came to an agreement with Mstislav in 1026 and returned to Kiev. It seems reasonable to suppose that the most suitable time for Jaroslav to conclude a trade treaty with Norway was the period between 1024 and 1026 when he permanently stayed in Novgorod. It was the time when Jaroslav consolidated his political and economic position, and the revision of his international relations was appropriate. For Norway with its traditional contacts with England violated by the rivalry of Knut and Olaf, Novgorod, one of the richest centers of the Baltic trade and tightly connected with Scandinavian countries from of old, was a desirable partner. So, the most probable time for the conclusion of a trade treaty by Jaroslav and Olaf Haraldsson was 1024–1026.

The saga can also provide some indications as to the content of the treaty. The term kaupfri?r corresponding exactly to the Old Russian torgovyj mir, «trade peace», and «a trade treaty», implied fi rst and foremost the freedom of trade for foreign merchants and some warrants for their personal safety. The experience Karl and Bj?rn encountered in a Russian town illustrate what the absence of kaupfri?r meant for a merchant.

Having arrived in Rus’, Karl and Bj?rn found themselves in trouble only after the citizens came to know that the newcomers were Norwegians. The prohibition of trade thus concerned only Norway whereas the trade with other countries seems not to be aff ected. The rupture of the trade with Gotlanders in 1188 is presented in the same way in the First Novgorod chronicle, as an action directed only against the off ender party.

The local citizens are told to have refused to sell anything to the brothers and to have prepared to attack them. The interdict of trade with Norwegians seems to have caused two main problems. On the one hand, it excluded any business with Norwegians, not only large-scale operations, but even minor purchases, like those the brothers wanted to make («some necessities for themselves»). On the other hand, it provoked the citizens to attack the Norwegians who «made them no hostilities». The aim of the attack, as summed up by Karl, was to «maim or rob» the merchants. It seems that in the absence of kaupfri?r the citizens regarded the merchants to be an easy booty. The lack of responsibility for the merchants’ safety could result from the fact that neither their lives, nor their wares were secured according to a valid agreement. However, the mention of a possible displeasure of Jaroslav stopped the assaulters.

The interdict of trade was not restricted to any specifi c place. The town Karl and Bj?rn stopped in is said to have been a large trade center (eitt mikit cavptvn), the fi rst one on the way from the Baltic to Rus’. It is most probably Old Ladoga, Aldeigjuborg of the sagas, the gates to Novgorod and the second largest town in Northern Rus’. The travellers from the Baltic to Novgorod had to stop in Old Ladoga to change ships or to take pilots to pass the rapids on the Volkhov[1260]. Trade was one of the main occupations of the citizens of Old Ladoga. Being subordinated to Novgorod, Old Ladoga authorities had to obey the orders of Novgorod princes. The prohibition of trading with Norwegians could also fi nd better understanding in Ladoga than in any other place as its citizens were well acquainted with visitors from Scandinavian countries[1261]. The interdict thus spread at least over all Northern Rus’, and it was most probably issued by Jaroslav (together with Novgorod authorities like the treaty of 1191?) as Karl had to apply to the Great prince to get a permission to trade.

Taken together, these observations seem to allow some suggestions as to the character and the content of the treaty. It must have been concluded by the heads of the states, Jaroslav and Olaf Haraldsson, between 1024 and 1026 (1028). It was valid at least in the Novgorod land. The most important clauses of the treaty must have provided freedom of trade, and safety of Norwegian merchants and safety of their wares in Rus’.

(Впервые опубликовано: Archiv und Geschichte im Ostseeraum. Festschrift fur Sten Komer / R. Bohn, H. Rebas, T. Siltberg. Kiel, 1997. S. 15–24)